Technically (Il)Legal Abortion Death: Gloria Small, 43 (Uterine perforation)

Gloria Small, a 43-year-old mother of six, went to Ronald Tauber for a safe ane legal abortion. Despite Gloria’s obesity, asthma, chronic lung disease, and family history of high blood pressure, Tauber elected to perform the 15-week abortion at his Orlando Birthing Center on March 7, 1978.

Gloria’s uterus was punctured in the abortion. She died despite an emergency hysterectomy. The medical examiner said that Gloria’s medical history should have precluded performing an abortion in an outpatient setting. A court-appointed panel found Tauber negligent in Gloria’s death.

Tauber’s license was suspended the month Gloria died; this means that if the Centers for Disease Control counted Gloria’s death, they would have tabulated it as a death from an illegal abortion. (They count abortions as legal only if they are performed by a physician with an active license.)

Credit: Christina Dunigan, cemetery of choice

Orlando Sentinel Star 4-20-78, Miami Herald 7-20-79

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Legal Abortion Death: Rhonda Hess, 20 (Infection)

On her extremely informative website, Christina Dunigan documented the death of 20-year-old Rhonda Hess from a legal abortion. Dunigan writes:

Rhonda Hess was 20 years old when she underwent a legal abortion.

After the procedure, she developed an infection. The infection led to problems with clotting of the blood.

Rhonda was taken to Moss Regional Hospital in Lake Charles, Louisiana, where she died on September 28, 1982.

Source: Louisiana Certificate of Death # 82 26 177; Life Dynamics “Blackmun Wall”

Go to Dunnigan’s blog here

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Clarke D Forsythe describes at length why legal abortion deaths do not make it into CDC and other statistics

Clarke D Forsythe, in his excellent book Abuse of Discretion: the inside Story of Roe Versus Wade (buy the book on Amazon here) explains at length why legal abortion deaths and injuries do not make it into the published statistics.

“Abortion injuries and deaths are washed out of the US public health system through a series of filters. The first filter is the clinics. Clinics do not take responsibility for injuries if they can avoid it. Standard procedure for clinics is to tell a patient who suffers pain or bleeding to go to the nearest emergency room, not back to the clinic. Only 22 states – less than half – require reporting of complications, but, if they do, neither the clinic nor the ER is inclined to keep records and do so. If clinics urge women to go to the nearest ER, the clinics will not see the injury to report it.

The 2nd filter is the ER. The ER doctor may have no reason to suspect abortion or may simply report the presenting symptoms rather than the underlying cause. A 1992 medical journal study found that 50% of abortion patients conceal their abortions from the medical personnel who interview them about their medical history.”

(RK Jones and K Kost “Underreporting of Induced and Spontaneous Abortion in the United States: an Analysis of the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth,” Studies in Family Planning 38 (2007): 187 – 197)

Payment mechanisms are the 3rd filter. Most abortions performed in the United States are currently paid for in cash. (Only 13% of women use their private insurance for abortion coverage: 74% pay out-of-pocket. Rachel Laser on the Diane Rehms Show, October 5, 2009)

There is no submission of the procedure to a third-party payer and no financial record of the transaction.

Coding procedures are the 4th filter. Even if an ER doctor suspects an induced abortion, coding procedures actually give an ER doctor a financial incentive to report the women’s condition as caused by something else, such as embolism, sepsis, or cardiomyopathy. The ER doctor will be paid more if the ER doctor submits the billing as “treatment for septic shock” rather than “abortion.” Or, given the emotional discomfort associated with abortion, medical personnel might choose an alternative cause to protect the privacy of an abortion patient.

The ER doctor will most likely use codes for fever, abdominal pain, and sepsis to report to the patient’s insurance company, because they do not want to risk the claim being denied because it was related to complications of an elective abortion.

Abortions billed to insurance companies in the United States are billed according to coding requirements (current procedural technology or CPT codes) The CPT codes are created and controlled (by patent) by the American Medical Association. The CPT codes must be linked with an international classification of disease (ICD) code. The ICD codes are controlled by the World Health Organization (WHO). Here are the ICD – 9 codes for abortion complications:

639 .1: Delayed or excessive hemorrhage following abortion, or eptopic and molar pregnancies

639.2 Damage to pelvic organs and tissues following abortion or ectopic and molar pregnancies

639.3 Renal failure following abortion or eptopic and molar pregnancies

639.4 Metabolic disorder following an abortion or eptopic and molar Pregnancies

639.5 Shock following abortion or eptopic and molar pregnancies

639.6 Embolism following abortion or eptopic and molar pregnancies

639.8 Other specified convocations following abortion or eptopic and molar pregnancies

639.9 Unspecified complication following abortion or eptopic and molar pregnancy

The ICD – 9 codes (the current version used in the United States) lump for different events together: spontaneous abortion, elective abortion, ectopic pregnancy, and molar pregnancy. The ICD – 9 codes make it impossible to specifically linked a complication to elective abortion.

The 5th filter is unreliable death certificates. The Federal Bureau of Vital Statistics (B VS) formulates a national death certificate form, which serves as a template for states in creating their own form. The national form omits any history of prior spontaneous abortion (miscarriage) or elective induced abortions. Yet this would be important information to gather in order to analyze data on prior pregnancy history and pregnancy outcome. In addition, the doctor who might certify an abortion death is typically not the one who originally treated the woman. Death certificates are often inaccurate by as much as 30 – 40%. Abortion statistician Willard Cates, Jr., and his colleagues found that “inadequate physician documentation on the death certificate” occurs in about 40% of abortion related deaths.”

(Willard Cates Jr, Jack C Smith, Roger W Rochat, et al. “Assessment of Surveillance and Vital Statistics Data for Monitoring Abortion Mortality, United States, 1972 – 1975” American Journal of epidemiology 108 (September 1978); 204)

The 6th filter is birth certificates. The BVS is also complicit in avoiding any data collection that could link maternal abortion history to adverse pregnancy outcome. During the 1990s, a federal representative from the BVS met with an ACOG committee to review the recommended national birth certificate forms, which served as a template by which states could create their own birth certificates. Notably absent from the form was any history of the mother’s prior spontaneous or elective abortions, and the committee immediately recognize the omission and recommended that this information be included, since it is important information to gather in order to analyze data on prior pregnancy history and subsequent pregnancy outcome and assess women’s health. But the representative from the B VS stated that the federal government did not want to collect any data that might link abortion history to adverse pregnancy outcome, and that there was pressure from Congress to not collect this data; hence, it would not be on the birth certificate data form. The B VS birth certificate recommendations have excluded any reference to prior abortions.

All of the prior filters may make it clear why the 7th filter is haphazard data collection. The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in Atlanta has been charged by federal law since 1969 with keeping track of the annual numbers of abortion and keeping track of abortion mortality and morbidity.

The CDC does this through its Abortion Surveillance program; this data is published in the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report (MMWR), which covers reasons for death and disease, including abortion. The abortion data that is reported to the CDC comes not from clinics or practitioners but from the states, the states get the data to the CDC voluntarily. Not all states give their data to the CDC; for example, California – which accounts for ¼ to 1 3rd of all abortions the United States – has not reported data to the CDC for several years.… Given the fact that several states do not report abortions to the CDC, neither the total number of annual abortions or the number of deaths can be accurate…

State collection of data is hit or miss. In June 2011, the Chicago Tribune reported that “state abortion records [were] full of gaps” and that “thousands of procedures” and 6 deaths were not reported to the state health department.

(Megan Twohey, “State Abortion Reports Full of Recording Gaps” Chicago Tribune, June 16, 2011 at C1)

It is not surprising that the CDC conceded in 1992 that “data of the AGI [Alan Guttmacher Inst.] demonstrated significantly more abortions each year” that the CDC reported.”

American Medical Association, Council on Scientific Affairs. “Induced Termination of Pregnancy before and after Roe V Wade: Trends in the Mortality and Morbidity of Women” Journal of the American Medical Association 268 (1992): 3231 – 3239

Clarke D Forsythe Abuse of Discretion: the inside Story of Roe Versus Wade (New York: Encounter Books, 2013) 235 – 241

 

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Feminists defend doctor who allegedly killed woman in botched abortion

Dr. Bernard Nathanson comments on how feminists rallied behind a doctor who was accused of killing a woman through a botched abortion.

“Feminists are sometimes so intent on denying the “right to life” of the fetus and so intent on the absolute right to abort, that they forget that the woman has a “right to life.” The womb is no place for non-surgeons to tinker with experimental hardware.”

There was a 1977 trial of a man named H Benjamin Munson a doctor from Rapid City, South Dakota for manslaughter in the death of a woman he did an abortion on. He left 240 g of fetal material in her womb after he mistook the length of her pregnancy and used  the inappropriate suction curettage technique even though she was over 18 weeks pregnant.

“The significant thing, however, is not the fact that Munson is innocent under the determination of the law [he was found innocent] but the way in which feminists and pro-abortionists turned the doctor into a hero and vilified those who investigated the case. The fact that a woman was dead did not dampen their enthusiasm in the slightest. The abortion cause was rated higher than the sisterhood of one Linda Padfield.”

Bernard N Nathanson, M.D. with Richard N Ostling. Aborting America (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1979) 92

Although this was written a long time ago, pro-choicers often can be found defending abortionists who kill women through malpractice and/or ignoring the deaths of women from legal abortions. You almost never hear any outcry when an abortionist kills a woman through carelessness.. When Bruce Steir was accused of manslaugher in the death of Sharon Hampton (after a clinic worker claimed he had perforated her bowel, then shoved it back inside her uterus and sent her home)  pro-choicers rallied around him.

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Legal Abortion Death: Yvonne Mesteth, 18 (Infection)

Eighteen-year-old Yvonne Corrie Mesteth was the second of two patients to die of infection after safe and legal abortions by South Dakota abortionist Benjamin Munson. (The other was Linda Padfield.)

Life Dynamics lists Yvonne on their “Blackmun Wall” of women killed by legal abortions.

LDI notes the following:

# Yvonne was in the second trimester of her pregnancy.
# The abortion was performed in Munson’s office in Rapid City.
# Yvonne developed an infection, kidney failure, and adult respiratory distress syndrome.
# She died on July 27, 1985.

Munson is the third former criminal abortionist I’ve learned of who had a clean record — no patient deaths — as a criminal abortionist, only to go on to kill two patients in his legal practice. The others are Milan Vuitch (Georgianna English and Wilma Harris) and Jesse Ketchum (Margaret Smith and Carole Schaner).

Despite having already killed Linda Padfield, Munson was welcomed into the National Abortion Federation.

LDI Source: South Dakota Death Certificate No. 140 85-003853

Credit: Christina Dunigan

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Verifying the “Blood Money” Death: Shary Graham (Hemorrhage after uterine perforation)

Former abortion entrepreneur Carol Everett, in Blood Money, tells of how the abortionist in one of her clinics sent a woman home to bleed to death over a pitcher of margaritas.

Carol opens her book with the story of the woman she calls “Sheryl Mason.” At first believed to be 18 weeks pregnant, “Sheryl” turned out to be twenty weeks pregnant, according to the abortionist’s estimate on examining her. The clinic held the $375 she’d already paid and gave her until that Friday to come up with another $125.

It was already after 7 p.m. when “Sheryl” arrived with the extra cash, Carol said. She knew “Sheryl” would be in recovery for a long time because of her advanced state of pregnancy, so she moved her to the head of the queue to speed up the process.

After “Sheryl’s” safe and legal abortion was completed, Carol met the abortionist, Harvey Johnson, in the supply room to verify that all fetal parts were accounted for. As the fetus was verified complete, and Harvey ran the remains down the garbage disposal, they discussed their plans for the evening. Carol had a date; Harvey was going to have margaritas with his girlfriend, Carol recalled.

Carol proceeded to her office to tend to administrative work. Harvey resumed the evening’s abortions.

Later that evening, Harvey called Carol to the recovery room; “Sheryl” was bleeding heavily. None of the staff had ever seen that much blood. They were all scared, but did their best to calm the patient and get on top of the situation. An aide massaged the patient’s uterus to encourage it to contract and reduce the bleeding:

“Harvey and I stepped outside the recovery room to talk. …. He looked at his watch. “I’m leaving to meet Fredi at Ninfa’s,” he said. “Ill call back, and I have my beeper on if you need me. Sheryl will be fine. Just be sure to keep massaging her uterus until the bleeding stops. When her vital signs are stable, dismiss her. I’ll see you in the morning.”

The staff cleaned “Sheryl” up as best they could, and brought her boyfriend back to keep her company. Carol finished up her administrative work, checked on “Sheryl,” and called her boyfriend to cancel their date.

The woman’s blood pressure fell. Carol paged Harvey, but when he called back, the answering service rather than the clinic answered the phone. Harvey assumed that the problem had corrected itself — whatever the problem had been. And Carol sat by “Sheryl” and the boyfriend, waiting to hear from Harvey.

“Sheryl” wanted to leave, to go home and be in her own bed. Carol was uneasy, but decided to let “Sheryl” go home at about 11:00, admonishing her to call if there was any trouble. So it was Carol, an administrator, who ended up making what should have been a medical decision made by a physician — a physician who had left the hemorrhaging patient in the care of untrained staff because the margaritas were waiting.

Carol was awakened at 6:00 the next morning by a phone call from Harvey:

“Her boyfriend called me this morning at about three and told me Sheryl was cramping heavily. I told him to put her in a tub of hot water. He called back a little later to say she was unconscious. I told him to get her to [the hospital] at once, and I would meet them there. When she arrived, I started intravenous fluids and a blood transfusion… but she’s gone.”

Stunned, Carol followed Harvey’s instructions to just go about the day’s business — but to pull “Sheryl’s” chart and keep it in her office.

They went about their normal routine at the clinic, but Carol’s thoughts were elsewhere. At first those thoughts were of the woman’s children, left orphaned. But then came near panic over what this death would mean for Carol Everett. Would there be bad publicity? Would the clinic end up closed? Could they recover from this blow?

That night, Carol discussed the situation with Harvey again. He told her that since the boyfriend didn’t want the woman’s family to know about the abortion, he’d spoken to them and told them that he’d been treating “Sheryl” for gynecological problems. They asked him flat out if she’d had an abortion, and he told her no, Carol said.

Harvey had done damage control, Carol said. Nobody at the hospital would say anything to anybody about the death; Harvey’s private practice and the clinic would be fine as long as they could keep the story from getting any publicity.

And, Carol said, Harvey and his girlfriend carefully edited the patient chart before providing it to the medical examiner’s office.

The autopsy found that “Sheryl” had died of hemorrhaging from a cervical tear. At this news, Carol said, “I went numb:”

We could have saved Sheryl’s life! my mind screamed. We only needed to have sutured her cervix. We had everything we needed in the clinic to save Sheryl’s life, with one exception — a doctor willing to take the time to re-examine his patient to determine the cause of the bleeding. But he had a date, and the margaritas were waiting.”

Prolifers tend to believe Carol’s story. Scoffers dismiss it. But there’s another course besides uncritical acceptance and contemptuous dismissal: Looking into the story and seeing if it’s true.

At Life Dynamics, we knew we couldn’t just use the story out of Carol’s book when we did our research for Lime 5. We needed a “secular” source — something more than a prolifer claiming that something had happened. So, as we did with all prolifer reports of deaths, we started searching for a public record document to verify Carol’s story.

We knew that Carol’s abortion facilities were in Dallas. Elsewhere in Blood Money, Carol indicated that as of January of 1982, she was still proud of her clinics, which had recently expanded to doing later abortions. Elsewhere she said that to celebrate the boost in business that accompanied the expansion into later abortions, she bought a new car on March 2, 1982. The next date we can get a clue from is Harvey’s marriage, which takes place in February of the following year. The woman Carol called “Sheryl” must have taken place in 1982, then.

We stared searching all public record sources in the Dallas metroplex area for an abortion death in 1982. And we found it:

Autopsy Report Case No. 0120-82-0057 on 34-year-old Shary Graham indicates that she was pronounced dead January 16, 1982, at an emergency room in Dallas. She had a 3cm tear in her cervix. “It is our opinion that Shary… died as a result of a laceration of the uterine cervix. By history, she had undergone a termination of pregnancy procedure the day prior to the death. Evidence of bleeding included large amounts of blood on three cloth robes that accompanied the body, and hemorrhage beneath the outer covering of the uterus.”

The address of the facility where Shary had her abortion was the address of one of Carol’s clinics.

Of course, no public record document is going to verify the story of the pitcher of margaritas. But when we consider what excuses other abortionists had for leaving patients with no medical supervision, the pitcher of margaritas is credible:

* John Biskind left Lou Ann Herron without medical supervision so that he could keep an appointment with a tailor.
* No reason was given for Abram Zelikman’s decision to leave the hemorrhaging Eurice Agbagaa in the care of a receptionist.
* Tommy Tucker seems to have left Angela Hall with no doctor to care for her because he’d had a fight with the nurse about whether or not to call an ambulance.
* Nareshkumar Gandalal was reprimanded by the Oklahoma medical board for leaving a patient “in post-operative condition in the treatment room under anesthesia” on June 10, 1989, so that he could take a friend to the airport. (Medical Board Case No. 87-7-514)

Carol places the responsibility for the death of the woman she calls Sheryl not only on abortionist Harvey Johnson’s shoulders, but squarely on her own. Carol herself began laying the groundwork for what would happen to “Sheryl” with a business decision to do later abortions because of their higher profit margin.

Credit; Christina Dunigan

 

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Post-Roe Practice: Is There an Improvement?

Ask any women’s studies major the reason why abortion was made legal in this country and you will get one consistent answer. That legalization of abortion would make it safer.

What most people don’t realize is that abortion is the most unregulated type of outpatient surgery in America. Horror stories have arisen in the legal era that rival those before Roe Vs. Wade.

The deplorable, disgusting conditions in some US abortion mills defy belief.

For example:

1. Blue Coral Medical Center had what the state called “deplorable conditions,” including a suction machine with green mold growing on it, about 70 different kinds of medications with expired dates. An inspector commented, “When we got there, there wasn’t any soap in the place, so our inspectors had to go next door to wash their hands.”
(Miami Herald 9/28/89, 1/4/90; Panama City News Herald 9-28-89)

2. At East Tennessee Women’s Clinic inspectors found that the receptionist was assisting with procedures. Medical records were stored pell-mell in an upstairs closet. IV needles and packages of curette tips were in a box with dead bugs that was just sitting out on the floor. The waiting room and treatment room had dirty floors, there were cobwebs and dead bugs on the recovery room floor, and the floor in the instrument cleaning room was described as “blackened.” Inspectors found no soap or paper towels in the lavatories. The beds in the recovery room had soiled sheets and blankets except for two reddish-stained beds with no covers on them at all.
(Knoxville News-sentinel 2/17/85, 5/27/87)

3. El Norte Clinica Medico was inspected after the death of Magdalena Rodriguez. The medical board said that the only staff were the abortionist and his receptionist, Shirley. Shirley “greets patients, explains procedures, obtains the medical consent, and initial intake information… and has no medical training.” Shirley did the pregnancy tests and Rh tests and the post-abortion checks on the patients. She would then ask whoever had come with each patient to sit with her. The abortionist served as his own anesthesiologist.
(San Diego County, South Bay Judicial District, California Superior Court Case No. S6003494; San Diego Union-Tribune 12-13-94; Orange County Register 12-15-94; Santa Monica Outlook 12/94)

4. At Friendship Medical Clinic, abortionist Arnold Bickham, who had lost his license after the death of Sylvia Moore, was arrested for practicing without a license. Police also arrested Julian Banzon, who had never been licensed in Illinois; they found him hiding in a closet. The police also found three hand guns and an unspecified quantity of drugs which were confiscated because the facility had no physician to legally dispense them. The board of health tried to close Friendship, but the owner successfully appealed to the Supreme Court and had city regulation ruled unconstitutional.
(Chicago Tribune 3/3/73; Chicago Sun-Times 3/24/73 and Abortion Profiteers series)

5. At Hedd Surgi-Center, inspectors found poor sanitation and infection control, unlicensed and unqualified staff, out of date medications, mold on the breathing tubes, and mouse droppings in the operating room. A revocation agreement barred Hedd from performing any procedures but abortions.
(Chicago Tribune 2-8-91)

6. Her Medical Clinic faced a formal complaint filed by local emergency room doctors due to the large number of abortion-injured women who were arriving by ambulance from Her. After the deaths of Michele Thames, Liliana Cortez, and Maria Soto, and in the wake of the complaint, the state moved to shut the facility down. The owner, Leo Kenneally, instead legally closed the facility and re-opened it as his private office, which would not have to be licensed by the state.
(Los Angeles Times 1/31/93; Los Angeles Herald Examiner 2/22/88)

7. A woman described her legal abortion by Joseph Rucker. She arrived at 10:30 AM for her appointment, but Rucker didn’t arrive until 5 PM. His “eyes were swollen, with big circles around them. And he had these fingernails that were a half-inch long.” Rucker walked into the room, did not speak to the woman but just began to examine her then instructed an aide, “Knock ’em down.” The woman awoke in recovery. A woman, later identified as Rucker’s wife, “comes in. She’s wearing a halter top and shorts, and she starts sticking me in the arm, trying to get some blood.” The woman’s fiance reported that a dog was let into the operating room. The dog sniffed at the woman as she lay bleeding and lapped blood off the floor. When the fiancee complained, Rucker snarled at him, “That dog lives here. This is my house, and that is my dog. That dog can go anywhere in this clinic that he damned well pleases.”
(Detroit Free Press 11/14/82; Chicago Sun-Times Abortion Profiteers series)

Unlike many of the stories of illegal abortion atrocities that are found on pro-choice websites, these incidents have been documented and verified.

In this section, you will come across many stories that will shock and sicken you. One can only wonder at why the state of health care has sunk so low. One contributing factor is that abortion rights groups oppose any regulation of abortion clinics.

Currently, only 23 states have health and safety regulations for abortion clinics. In eight states, laws are on the books but are being blocked by court action from Planned Parenthood and other pro-choice organizations.

PP continually rallies pro-choicers to oppose clinic regulations. For example, an action alert from the organization discussing such legislation (http://www.ppaction.org/campaign/defundPP_clone) says that “an amendment would direct the Board of Health to impose medically unnecessary regulations on clinics…”

In an attempt by Planned Parenthood to manipulate pro-choice individuals into fighting a proposed set of legislation in Virginia (SB 1270) Planned Parenthood released a factsheet saying:

“The real impact of this bill would be to dramatically decrease access to safe abortion services in Virginia.” It called the restrictions “unnecessary and unreasonable” and said they would “make abortions prohibitory expensive” for women.

Here is what the bill actually states:

“….all abortion clinics, defined as any facility other than a hospital or an ambulatory surgery center in which 25 or more first trimester abortions are performed in any 12-month period, [are] to be licensed and to comply with the requirements currently in place for ambulatory surgery centers except the requirement for a certificate of public need. The Board of Health may also waive certain structural requirements.”

So this law would not impose a single regulation on clinics that was not already in place for all other forms of surgery. In fact, it would impose less- structural mandates and a requirement for a certificate would be omitted.

Planned Parenthood, however, fought to prevent their clinics from being made to adhere any standards at all.

The bill was defeated- Planned Parenthood won, and now there are no health guidelines for abortion clinics in Virginia.

Keep this in mind when you read about the deaths from legal abortion and the profiles of abortion providers.

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Legal Abortion Death: Deborah, 17 (Brain Damage and Coma)

Seventeen-year-old Deborah had languished for two months in a coma, hospitalized after a safe and legal abortion at Medical Care Center in Woodbridge, New Jersey.

On June 21, 1985, Deborah’s parents filed suit against Dr. Scheininger, Dr. Sinha, and other staff for failing to properly screen and examine Deborah prior to her abortion. They also alleged that staff failed to properly monitor their daughter’s vital signs during the abortion, failing to quickly detect and properly treat respiratory difficulty. As a result, Deborah suffered the brain damage that had caused her coma.

Shortly after midnight on June 22, a hospital staffer checked on Deborah and found her dead; she evidently had died shortly before midnight.

Sources: Middlesex County Superior Court Case No. H-054832-85

Credit: Christina Dunigan

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Legal Abortion Death: Germaine Newman, 14 (Infection and Uterine Perforation)

On June 14, 1984, 14-year-old Germaine Newman had a second-trimester abortion performed by Dr. E. Wyman Garrett in Newark, New Jersey. She was 22 weeks pregnant.

After her abortion, Germaine began vomiting and suffered from abdominal pain and a high fever.

The next morning, June 15, Germaine’s mother found her lying dead on the bathroom floor.

An autopsy found that Germaine’s abdomen was full of pus and adhesions. The cause of death was abdominal infection and perforation of the uterus.

When the New Jersey medical board investigated Dr. Garrett, they noted that he had illegally altered Germaine’s medical records.

Sources: New Jersey State Board of Medical Examiners, disciplinary proceedings from April 10, 1986 to May 20, 1988; New Jersey Certificate of Death #35737

Credit: Christina Dunigan

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Legal Abortion Death: Deanna Bell, 13 (Undetermined)

Thirteen year old Deanna Lee underwent a legal abortion at Edward Allred’s Medical Surgical Center in Chicago.

A wrongful-death suit filed by survivors of Deanna Bell, age 13, alleged that she underwent a safe, legal multi-stage abortion September 3, 4, and 5, 1992. Her abortion was performed at a National Abortion Federation member facility by Steve Lichtenberg, a frequent presenter at NAF Risk Management Seminars.

Deanna’s survivors say that non-physicians performed some medical procedures including inserting laminaria and Dilapan in Deanna’s immature cervix.

An expert witness testified that Deanna was administered at least 250 mg Brevital, when sufficient dose for an adult would be 70 mg., and that Deanna had been given 400 mg Brevital for anesthesia during laminaria removal procedure the previous day. Brevitol is not approved for pediatric use. Deanna, at age 13, would be a pediatric patient.

Expert review indicated that the pre-operative physical examination performed on Deanna was “limited.” Deanna was “reported to be ‘uncooperative'” when laminaria was placed.

When the time came to remove the laminaria, Deanna was transferred to another facility for Lichtenberg to remove the laminaria under general anesthesia. During this process, Deanna’s membranes were accidentally ruptured.

The destructive procedure upon the fetus was initiated September 5, and according to clinic records took 9 minutes to complete.

Deanna was noted as being discharged to the recovery room at 7:51, and was rated 9 favorable points of possible 14 for normal color, respiration, etc. But her pulse was 130-135, per Lichtenberg’s Clinical Summary written after Deanna’s death.

Deanna was noted by monitors as lacking vitals at 7:53. The first resuscitative efforts were documented at 8:51, although Lichtenberg’s Clinical Summary written after Deanna’s death indicated that resuscitative efforts were made for the 1-hour period. No record of pupil dilation response was noted in the recovery room record, and “no effort was made to transport the patient to a more fully-equipped facility” during the hour they reported attempts to resuscitate her.

Deanna “never regained productive cardiac activity or consciousness.” She was pronounced dead at 8:52. According to Lichtenberg’s Clinical Summary, the coroner was immediately notified.

The lawsuit states that nurse noted no vital signs registering on monitoring machines. The suit also stated that the facility lacked any protocol for dealing with cardiac-respiratory arrest.

Lichtenberg also noted, “Prior to the removal of the body from the premises, a total of 18 family members congregated in the clinic and were addressed by our clinic manager … who was with me during my initial presentation to the patient’s mother and sister.” Although the clinic told family and the press that the probable cause of death was amniotic fluid embolism, the autopsy showed that “Histologic studies showed no microscopic evidence of amniotic fluid embolism.”

The autopsy reported congested lungs, a uterus full of clotted blood, and the cause of death and manner of death listed on death certificate as “undetermined” although “how injury occurred” was “expired after abortion.”

Deanna’s survivors alleged failure to monitor Deanna, lack of adequate resuscitation equipment, failure to properly resuscitate or transfer to hospital, lack of informed consent, and hiring unqualified staff. Edward Allred stated in his deposition that he found no fault with staff’s handling of Deanna’s case.

A report sent to the hospital that had referred Deanna read, “Date of service 9-5-92, Uneventful D&C, Thank you!” signed by Lichtenberg.
________________________________________
Sources: Cook County Circuit Court Case No. 94L05372; Chicago Tribune 9-6-92, 5-5-94; Chicago Sun-Times 9-6-92, 9-7-92; Southtown Economist 9-8-92; Daily Herald 9-6-92; The Wanderer 8-18-94; Daily Herald 9-7-92; Washington Times 6-4-94

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